The Truth: Thoughts on the 4th of July

Much of the work we do at Citizens Against Recidivism, Inc. has to do with encouraging those we serve to think critically about the situation they find themselves in and to develop a “political” awareness about themselves and society.  That said, we often include in our conversations with people who have limited or no experience with the criminal justice system mention of the law that defines, for the most part, that system.

Amendment XIII

Section 1.

Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction.

Section 2.

Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation.

We are hoping that you become acutely aware of this law, think about its implications, and include it in your analysis of your about the situation and the social context in which you find yourself.

Although we did not send out greeting culminating with the Fourth of July, we thought a review of “”The Meaning of July Fourth” as told by Fredrick Douglass would be meaningful and appropriate.  On July 5, 1852, Fredrick Douglass gave a speech wherein he (in part) said:

..Fellow-citizens, pardon me, allow me to ask, why am I called upon to speak here to-day? What have I, or those I represent, to do with your national independence? Are the great principles of political freedom and of natural justice, embodied in that Declaration of Independence, extended to us? And am I, therefore, called upon to bring our humble offering to the national altar, and to confess the benefits and express devout gratitude for the blessings resulting from your independence to us?

Would to God, both for your sakes and ours, that an affirmative answer could be truthfully returned to these questions! Then would my task be light and my burden easy and delightful. For who is there so cold, that a nation’s sympathy could not warm him? Who so obdurate and dead to the claims of gratitude, that would not thankfully acknowledge such priceless benefits? Who so stolid and selfish, that would not give his voice to swell the hallelujahs of a nation’s jubilee, when the chains of servitude had been torn from his limbs? I am not that man. In a case like that, the dumb might eloquently speak, and the “lame man leap as an hart.”

But such is not the state of the case. I say it with a sad sense of the disparity between us. I am not included within the pale of glorious anniversary! Your high independence only reveals the immeasurable distance between us. The blessings in which you, this day, rejoice, are not enjoyed in common. The rich inheritance of justice, liberty, prosperity and independence, bequeathed by your fathers, is shared by you, not by me. The sunlight that brought light and healing to you, has brought stripes and death to me. This Fourth July is yours, not mine. You may rejoice, I must mourn. To drag a man in fetters into the grand illuminated temple of liberty, and call upon him to join you in joyous anthems, were inhuman mockery and sacrilegious irony. Do you mean, citizens, to mock me, by asking me to speak to-day? If so, there is a parallel to your conduct. And let me warn you that it is dangerous to copy the example of a nation whose crimes, towering up to heaven, were thrown down by the breath of the Almighty, burying that nation in irrevocable ruin! I can to-day take up the plaintive lament of a peeled and woe-smitten people!

What, to the American slave, is your 4th of July? I answer; a day that reveals to him, more than all other days in the year, the gross injustice and cruelty to which he is the constant victim. To him, your celebration is a sham; your boasted liberty, an unholy license; your national greatness, swelling vanity; your sounds of rejoicing are empty and heartless; your denunciation of tyrants, brass fronted impudence; your shouts of liberty and equality, hollow mockery; your prayers and hymns, your sermons and thanksgivings, with all your religious parade and solemnity, are, to Him, mere bombast, fraud, deception, impiety, and hypocrisy — a thin veil to cover up crimes which would disgrace a nation of savages. There is not a nation on the earth guilty of practices more shocking and bloody than are the people of the United States, at this very hour.

So what do you think

Hurt by sagging

By Mika’il DeVeaux, Executive Director and Mi’shell Kelley, Intern

The ongoing public dispute and controversy about “sagging pants” sells newspapers, magazines, records, public service announcements, advertisement, and concerts.  This “fashion trend,” those who sag, their reasons for doing so, and those opposed to it play right into strategies to divide people, the need for some to be different, to argue, and to be in opposition to an “other”.  This is the nature of any controversy.  However, when lines are drawn, those on opposite sides will see either a liberal or a conservative conspiracy, there are victims, and people are hurt in different ways.  That sagging is thought to be an “urban” phenomenon, clear evidence shows that people of color are most likely to be the victims of this fad and those that are more likely to be hurt because of this controversy.  Where and when did it all start?

In our search for answers, staff at Citizens Against Recidivism, Inc. found various views and opinions worthy of note.  Barbara Mikkleson reports that sagging began in prison and “worked its way from the hoosegow (jail) into hip hop culture” where it was popularized by artist such as Ice-T, Too-Short, and Kriss Kross.[i] Todd A. Smith writes about Eazy E sagging as far back as 1988.[ii] Abhijit Naik suggests, as do others, that sagging was never meant to be a fashion trend.  This form of dress resulted from prison authorities banning belts and shoelaces in jails and prisons because of the belief that they could be used as weapons or as instruments used in the commission of suicide.[iii] In her “Sagging Pants: Hip Hop Trend or Prison Trend?,” Shamontiel reported that “If the pants are below a man’s bottom, it is to introduce to other men that he is homosexual.”[iv] A less popular view is that sagging originated during slavery.  According to Jim Stillman[v],

“Some white masters would rape their African male slaves; subsequently, the victims were forced to wear their pants sagging so that their masters could identify them for future attacks. (D)ehumanized black slaves wearing sagging pants were said to be announcing that they were available for their white masters. Over time, the style became a little-talked-about subculture that seeped into general black culture.”

Solid evidence about when and where sagging began remains elusive, but the impact of this social phenomena is just beginning to be felt.  There are reports that sagging has been outlawed in “12 states.  If caught wearing baggy pants in these states, you may be subjected to a $500 fine and even jail time.”[vi] No matter one’s opinion about sagging pants, Matt Kelley says that laws against them “target an urban population and one that includes a large number of African-Americans.  (These new laws) tend to criminalize (sagging and) increase contact between police and inner-city youth.  Laws like (these) start the cycle that sucks too many people into (the) criminal justice system.” [vii] It is in this regard that people of color are hurt the most.  Marc Lamont Hill informs us that in, “states like Michigan, Louisiana, Texas, and Florida, politicians have taken the anti-sagging movement to the next level by passing laws that criminalize the fashion trend by creating public decency ordinances.”[viii] In New York, State Senators Eric Adams, Malcolm Smith, and Bill Perkins have voiced concerns about the wearing of sagging pants.  In a March 2010 post on his Senate Webpage, Senator Adams writes that “This sagging pants culture represents an immature disregard for the basic civility, courtesy, and responsibility that our young men should display.”

Citizens Against Recidivism, Inc is opposed to sagging pants but want to take care in light of how our opposition may be perceived.  We don’t want to blame the victims or criminalize the act.  Marc Lamont Hill, Associate Professor of Education at Columbia University warns that much of the opposition against sagging is[viii]:

. . . nothing more than red herrings that play on a cynical, unsophisticated, and reactionary vision of our youth.

By linking sagging pants to prison culture, opponents are able to scare the public into believing in a one-to-one relationship between fashion choices and social deviance. By connecting it to homosexuality, they are able to play on the homophobic myth that being gay is a social contagion that can be avoided through the use of a sturdy belt.

The current moral panic, however, is particularly dangerous because it seduces us into focusing on the behaviors of youth rather than the current set of social conditions that place them under unprecedented levels of attack.

Today’s anti-sagging movement is not an isolated project, but part of a broader set of policies that comprise a full-fledged “War on Youth.”  From unconstitutional civil injunctions against gangs to the rise of draconian zero-tolerance policies in schools, our nation has produced a set of policies that construct our youth in increasingly criminalized terms.  In reality, these policies— combined with the elimination of after-school programs, playgrounds, recreation centers, and public libraries—are far more likely to produce anti-social outcomes than a pair of low-riding jeans.

We do not wish to be drawn into the trap of criminalizing our own.  It is, however, to our benefit to discuss how we are perceived and how it is often those perceptions that make difficult the progress we seek to make.  Collectively we must change that which is of little benefit to us all.

Staff at Citizens are very concerned about how people in prison are perceived.  The perceptions of those who literally have power over whether a person in prison may get on with their lives after paying their debt to society is likely to be fueled by perceptions related to African-Americans in general and particularly those from urban communities.  We view part of our work as an effort to improve the way people in prison are perceived and to engage in efforts to recreate in a positive way, images associated with people in prison.  Although in prison, there should be no wholesale demonization or criminalization of people just because they are incarcerated.  Going to prison is the punishment.

Thus, we at Citizens Against Recidivism, Inc., think it is unfair, despite questions about the origins of “sagging,” to think that people in prison are promoting or supporting this image or even want that it be associated with them.  While nothing we have found supports this fear, one can easily make the leap and think this to be true.  We have, however, found the very opposite to be true in our exchanges with people in prison.  Among the hundreds of letters we have received from people in prison, nearly all have disassociated themselves from sagging.  Typical comments made on this point are reprinted (with permission) below.

NW – Eastern Correctional Facility

Many in society are unaware of the positive adjustments that incarcerated men and women make while (in prison) and, sadly, only focus on negative perceptions

EC- Green Haven Correction Facility

(Blaming continued sagging on people in prison) is just another way of putting people in prison down and stripping away our humanity.

JAR – Eastern Correctional Facility

(People in prison) are not heroes . . . at least they shouldn’t be.  (R)esponsible parenting (is key).  A young boy taught to carry himself with dignity and respect would not walk around with his pants hanging and drawers showing.

DW – CSP – Solano

How can you take someone serious who looks like a clown?

JZ-Mid-Orange Correctional Facility

We’re against the idea of sagging as a usage to be associated with people in prison or society.

II- Shawangunk Correctional Facility

(Sagging) as a statement of defiance or dubious fashion statement, accomplishes the exact opposite of its intended effect.

KS- Woodbourne Correctional Facility

Sagging is degrading and demeaning and its equivalent to someone using the N-word to address someone else or themselves.

NS- Clinton Correctional Facility

I vehemently disagree with this being an image to be associated with men in prison. It’s appalling for those who are striving to be productive citizens.

RH- Elmira Correctional Facility

It (sagging) shows is a lack of respect for people who follow this trend and if they do not respect themselves then who’s going to respect them?

JP- Hudson Correctional Facility

No excuses accepted. Let’s take responsibility of our communities as men and have a positive dialogue with the youth to have them think about their behavior (sagging).

PC- Great Meadow Correctional Facility

All these people who commercialize it (sagging), are doing it for financial gain and do not care about who it demeans or offends.

CR- Sing Sing Correctional Facility

How is showing your buttocks promoting self worth?

DL- Sing Sing Correctional Facility

We need to address our conditions and poverty that evolve around the cause of sagging jeans.

DF- Sing Sing Correctional Facility

People of color will always be looked down upon until they strive and work towards a better image for their selves.

IF- Sing Sing Correctional Facility

It used to be me walking around with my pants below my a**. Now that I’m a grown man, I can’t do this (sagging) childish act anymore.

TR- Sing Sing Correctional Facility

I do want this image (sagging) to be associated with people in prison because then it will always be looked upon with disdain, like everything else about prison.

CP- Sing Sing Correctional Facility

I believe that the image of prisoners sagging their pants makes it more difficult to be accepted by different faucets of society.

———————————————————————————-

[i] http://www.snopes.com/risque/homosex/sagging.asp
[ii] Sagging Pants=Easy Access?, Regal Magazine retrieved from http://www.regalmag.com/sagging-pants-debate-a-309.html
[iii]S-A-G-G-I-N, retrieved from http://www.nationalconcernedofficers.com/pants_sagging.htm
[iv] Sagging Pants: Hip Hop Trend or Prison Trend?, retrieved from http://www.associatedcontent.com/article/257484/sagging_pants_hip_hop_trend_or_prison.html?cat=46
<[v] Baggy Pants – Harmless Fad, Evidence of Evil, Teen Rebellion or Indication of a Lost Generation, retrieved from http://www.associatedcontent.com/article/359413/baggy_pants_harmless_fad_evidence_of.html?cat=46
[vi] Has Saggin’ Gone Too Far? the Baggy Pants Debate retrieved from http://www.associatedcontent.com/article/577913/has_saggin_gone_too_far_the_baggy_pants.html?cat=46
[vii] The Racial Undertones of Baggy Pants Laws, retrieved from http://criminaljustice.change.org/blog/view/the_racial_undertones_of_baggy_pants_laws
[viii] Sagging pants: Hip-hop fashion trend or prison culture? Retrieved from http://www.theloop21.com/news/sagging-pants-hip-hop-fashion-trend-or-prison-culture
[ix] ibid

Consistently insensitive and wrong about Compstats – Heather Mac Donald

By Mika’il DeVeaux, MPS, MA, CAMF

Executive Director

Citizens Against Recidivism, Inc.

Heather Mac Donald’s dismissive attitude about the concerns of people of color who experience “a disparate impact” as a result of law enforcement or social policies is a norm for her.  As with her enthusiastic defense of Compstats (the use of technology to: clarify a police department’s mission; facilitate internal accountability; influence the geographic organization of operational command; promote organizational flexibility; encourage data-driven analysis of problems and assessment of a department’s problem-solving efforts; and to engage in innovative problem-solving tactics)[i], Mac Donald has consistently blamed the victim with little or no acknowledgment of the social and or criminogenic factors that contribute to the circumstances victims find themselves in or the decisions they make.  Her perspective has remained unchanged on a range of issues including racial profiling as it relates to immigration policies[ii], the extent poor people depend on food stamps to sustain themselves[iii], student centered learning[iv], and racist remarks about African runners[v].  Earlier this year, MacDonald wrote in the Wall Street Journal (A Crime Theory Demolished, January 4, 2010) that “the idea that the root cause of crimes lies in income inequality and social injustice” is a myth.[vi] Mac Donald’s latest op-ed piece in the New York Times, “Fighting Crime Where the Criminal Are” (June 25, 2010), is just another example of her consistent insensitivity and arrogance shown toward people of color and those with ideas that differ from her own.[vii]

The truth is always somewhere in the middle as has been evidenced by less vitriolic researchers who suggest that matter of fact claims touted by MacDonald and her like should be viewed with suspicion and not be blindly embraced.  Writing for the Cato Institute in 1994 (Crime, Police, and Root Causes, Cato Policy Analysis No. 218), William A. Niskanen reported that crime reporting rates are rarely consistent over time or across jurisdictions and may not correlate with actual crime data because such data is rarely available, particularly “for state and local jurisdictions.”[viii]

Contrary to MacDonald’s views, Niskanen did find that:

An increase in legal economic opportunities reduces the crime rate.  An increase in average annual income appears to reduce both violent crime and property crime by a roughly proportionate amount;

• Crime rates are especially high in metropolitan areas (an increase in the population in an urban area appears to increase both the violent and property crime rates . . . even when controlled for other characteristics of the population);
• The violent crime rate . . .  appears to be strongly dependent on the composition of the population; for example, an “increase in births to single mothers appears to increase the violent crime rate;”
• More police appear to increase the reported crime rate;
• Over time, the two conditions most strongly correlated with the increase in reported crime are the unemployment rate for teenage males and the percentage of infants born to single mothers.

Researchers, old and new, have puzzled over the relationships between the police, reported, and actual crime.  Niskanen observed that “more police . . . probably increase the reported crime rate even if they reduced the actual crime rate.”  Moreover, the “Compstat” program and the police tactics Heather MacDonald supports as an effective crime program for controlling crime have come under fire by prominent members of the Policeman Benevolent Association.  Robert Zink, PBA Recording Secretary, writes about the “fudge factor” when discussing Compstats.  He suggests “local commanders (tend) to make it look like crime has dropped when it has in fact increased” by not filing “reports, misclassify(ing) crimes from felonies to misdemeanors, under-valu(ing) the property lost to crime so it’s not a felony, and report(ing) a series of crimes as a single event” to get the numbers they need.[ix] Zink reports that:

A particularly insidious way to fudge the numbers is to make it difficult or impossible for people to report crimes — in other words, make the victims feel like criminals so they walk away just to spare themselves further pain and suffering.

Some commanders even persecute the victims so they stop reporting crimes.[x]

Michael Murray, the PBA General Counsel, suggests that the Compstat program is responsible for arrest quotas, partly to blame for an increase, in recent years, in the “negative police-citizen contacts,” and erodes citizen support integral to effecting community policing.[xi] Moreover, the Village Voice reported that “Patrolmen’s Benevolent Association president Patrick Lynch had said that officers ‘are forced to falsify stats in order to maintain the appearance of a drastic reduction in crime’.”[xii] John Eterno and Eli Silversan recently warned, as reported in the Daily News, that problems with the Compstat program may not be ignored.  During the period their research covered, they found that “a combination of pressure to downgrade index crime combined with lesser pressure to maintain crime data integrity has contributed to manipulation of crime statistics,”  calling into question the results and tactics used to support the program in its current form.

Despite evidence suggesting that the program deserves a second look, MacDonald calls those with no apparent reason to assail the NYPD, its “foes” and those who, “intentionally or not, cast doubt on all accountability systems.”[xiii] It is difficult to view MacDonald as an advocate for justice and public safety rather than as a bigot with a sharp pen.  No doubt she has labeled even the police on the street who are breaking the blue code of silence and “speaking out about manipulation of crime reports”[xiv] and “arresting citizens for doing no more than standing on certain street corners and building stoops” as part of an aggressive stop and frisk policy as disgruntled employees.[xv] That these tactics affect people of color more than others is of little concern to MacDonald, who has concluded that the “vast majority of violent crime occurs” in communities of color because that’s what they do despite the mountain of evidence that more than actual crime influences crime reporting.[xvi] MacDonald is wrong to assume that questioning related to stop-and-frisk tactics, rather than the data, are not based on the perception that communities of color are being criminalized, that they are being relegated to a permanent underclass as a result of the consequences of questionable arrest and convictions, and that they are being targeted.

Objective observers know that the arrest and convictions of people of color have rarely rested solely upon the commission of a crime.  Historically, these have related to the manner in which the criminal justice system has dispensed “justice,” particularly as it is applied to African American males.  Hamid Reza Kusha characterizes this “black male disappearance syndrome,” resulting in part from these tactics, as the product of a “multifactor rather than monist nature.” [xvii] If nothing else, the questioning by people of color and others is based upon the perceptions of a people who feel powerless as new systems of social control evolve.[xviii]

No matter how described, people in every community want the police there.  It is admirable that the police are using tools provided by the social sciences to combat crime.  However, all must be certain that the uses of new tools are not necessarily accompanied by changes in the human factor.  Historically, as technologies influence human culture, human beings influence how they are used.  None is infallible.  “The impact of Compsat, like that of previous technology, is contingent on how it interacts with the existing technical capacities, work practices, management styles, and cultural values of police departments.  Its future value also hinges on its compatibility with community policing, a deeply entrenched movement in law enforcement and one that stresses the human face of policing.”[xix] Moreover, the impact that this practice has on those it is to serve must also be included in the equation.

---

[i] COMPSTAT in practice: An in-depth analysis of three cities, by James J. Willis ,  Stephen D. Mastrofski ,  David Weisburd, the Police Foundation, Washington, D.C., 2003

[ii] Arizona Law is Hated Because It Could Be Effective, Washington Examiner, May 5, 2010, http://www.washingtonexaminer.com/opinion/columns/Manhattan-Moment/Arizona-law-is-hated-because-it-could-be-effective-92851479.html

[iii] Hype About Hunger , New York Times, August 12, 1999

[iv] The Flaw in Student-Centered Learning, New York Times, July 20, 1998

[v] Affirmative Action For U.S. Runners, New York Times, April 20, 1998

[vi] http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052748703580904574638024055735590.html#printMode

[vii] http://www.nytimes.com/2010/06/26/opinion/26macdonald.html

[viii] http://www.cato.org/pubs/pas/pa-218.html

[ix] The trouble with Compstats, The PBA Magazine, Summer 2004, http://www.nycpba.org/publications/mag-04-summer/compstat.html

[x] ibid

[xi] Why arrest quotas are wrong, The PBA Magazine, Spring 2005, http://www.nycpba.org/publications/mag-05-spring/murray.html

[xii] These Stats Are a Crime, Paul Moses, Village Voice, Oct 25 2005, http://www.villagevoice.com/2005-10-25/news/these-stats-are-a-crime/

[xiii] Compstat and Its Enemies , City Journal, February 17, 2010, http://www.city-journal.org/2010/eon0217hm.html

[xiv] The NYPD Tapes: Inside Bed-Stuy’s 81st precinct, Graham Rayman, Village Voice, May 4 2010, http://www.villagevoice.com/2010-05-04/news/the-nypd-tapes-inside-bed-stuy-s-81st-precinct

[xv] The NYPD Tapes, Part 2, Graham Rayman, Village Voice, May 11 2010, http://www.villagevoice.com/2010-05-11/news/nypd-tapes-part-2-bed-stuy

[xvi] Fighting crime where the criminals are, The New York Times, June 25, 2010.  http://www.nytimes.com/2010/06/26/opinion/26macdonald.html

[xvii] Islam in American Prisons, Ashgate Publishing (2009), pp 118-123

[xviii] See Michelle Alexander’s “The New Jim Crow: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness”, The New Press, New York, 2010

[xix] COMPSTAT in practice: An in-depth analysis of three cities, by James J. Willis ,  Stephen D. Mastrofski ,  David Weisburd, the Police Foundation, Washington, D.C., 2003

Muslims on the Inside: Results from a survey of incarcerated Muslim

A Report Prepared by

DeVeaux and Associates

for Citizens Against Recidivism, Inc.’s

Muslim Reentry Initiative

Summary of findings:

Muslims praying in prison

This report includes the findings of survey data gathered from 233 Muslim housed in New York and Indiana state prisons or jails.  Results show that the largest percentage of those surveyed were:

• African Americans (77%) males (98%) averaging 37 years of age who had never married (49%) and who have had some college training (46%);
• at least 31 years of age when first incarcerated (70%);
• unemployed (56%) at the time of their arrest;
• parenting one or more children (76%); about a fourth of the parents (24%) had a child that was less than five years old;
• long-terms who had had served more than 10 years at the time of the survey (56%)
• eligible for release within five years (56%);
• likely to report that that Islam played a very important role in their lives (91%);
• likely to report attending the masjid or prayer area more than once a week (74%) and reported making all five obligatory prayers daily (69%);
• likely to have converted to Islam while incarcerated (72%);
• were not members of an Islamic community outside of the prison setting (81%);
• were satisfied with the relationship they had with the Islamic community inside the facility they were being housed (83%);
• likely to report that their needs were being met most or all of the time (43%) while in prison/jail ;
• not likely to report receiving any assistance from the “outside’ Islamic community during their incarceration (82%);
• in want of assistance from the “outside” Muslim community during their incarceration (89%); and were
• not that satisfied or not satisfied at all with the relationship they have with the larger Islamic community (57%).

Introduction

About 5% of all Muslims in America and 12% of all African American Muslims are in a jail or prison in the United States.  An estimated 350,000 Muslims are incarcerated in a United States Federal, State or local prison.  Overall, some estimate that between 30 and 40 thousand convert to Islam while in prison each year.  In New York State, estimates about the number of Muslims in its state prisons range between 8 and 10 thousand.

The Islamic Community has very little information about the growing number of incarcerated Muslims.  Little is known about their needs while in prison, what they expected from their fellow Muslims, or other service providers upon release.  Moreover, few, if any, efforts have been made to actively engage incarcerated Muslims to find answers to these and other questions regarding this population.

Citizens Against Recidivism, Inc. (Citizens) is a New York City-based not for profit organization that works in collaboration with other community and faith based organizations at each of the overlapping phases of the community integration process to address the needs and concerns of the incarcerated.  The work at Citizens includes preventive efforts targeting at-risk youth, work that relates to the strengthening of families and personal relationships affected by experiences with the criminal justice system, and advocacy for the restoration of voting rights.

At the launch of its Muslim Re-entry Initiative with funding from the Open Society Institute, Citizens surveyed 233 incarcerated Muslims housed in New York and Indiana in 2006.  The surveys were administered with the assistance of Muslim chaplains who wished to remain anonymous.  The survey allowed for the collection of data about the characteristics of incarcerated Muslims and included questions about their concerns while in prison, their relationship with the “outside” Islamic Community, and their expectations and hopes upon release.

The Muslim Re-entry Initiative is a Citizens’ project that aims to reduce the rate at which Muslim in prison recidivate by working to establish policies within the Islamic community that lead to the creation of transitional supports and services for Muslims in prison and for those who have been released.  The survey upon which this report is based was designed to give voice to incarcerated Muslims and then to include those voices in policy discussions about issues that affect their lives. [1]

Demographic Information

In 2006, 233 incarcerated Muslims were surveyed to inform Muslim leaders and service providers of their perceived needs, the relationship incarcerated Muslims have with the “in-house” and “outside” Muslim community, and the hopes and expectations of currently incarcerated Muslims upon released.  Among those included in the sample, 32% were being housed in a maximum-security facility in New York State, 14% in a Riker’s Island Jail in New York City, and 54% were housed in several prisons located in Indiana including Indiana State Prison, Westville Correctional Facility, Pendleton Correctional Facility and Miami Correctional Facility.[2]

Characteristics
Location	N = 219
Indiana	54%
New York State	32%
New York City	14%
Gender	N=219
Males	98%
Females	2%
Ethnicity	N=233
African American	77%
Other African	8%
Jamaican	3%
West Indian	3%
White	3%
Other	2%
Senegalese	1%
Haitian	1%
Dominican	1%
American Indian	1%
Asian	1%
Pakistanian	1%
Age	N=212
17 to 24	9%
25 to 30	19%
31 to 40	38%
40 thru 63	34%
Average Age	37
Marital status	N=219
Married	23%
Single, never married	49%
Divorced	15%
Widowed	5%
Separated	8%
Current level of education	N=219
Less than high school	15%
GED/HS diploma	26%
Voc./tech training	13%
Some college	25%
Completed college	13%
Graduate degree	8%

Those surveyed were mostly African Americans (77%) males (98%) ranging in ages between 17 and 63, averaging 37 years old.  About half (49%) of those surveyed have never married and have had some college training (46%).

Average age by site
Site*
New York Staten (n=72)	39
Indiana                  (n=112)	35
New York City     (n=28)	39
Some college or more***	Percent
New York State    (n=73)	48%
Indiana                  (n=116)	51%
New York City     (n=30)	23%

* <.05                     *** < .001

There were statistically significant differences between the groups.  Those surveyed in Indiana were, on average younger than those surveyed in New York State and New York City.  In addition, those surveyed in New York City were least likely to have any level of college training.  There were no differences by ethnicity or marital status.

Pre-prison situation

Among those surveyed, over two-thirds (70%) were at least 31 years of age when they began their periods of incarceration.  Ages ranged 16 and 54, averaging 38 years of age. Moreover, there were significant differences in age at time of incarceration among subgroups.

Average age at start of incarceration by site
Site***	(n=212)
New York State    (n=68)	27
Indiana                  (n=110)	26
New York City     (n=27)	34

*** < .001

Those surveyed in New York City compared to others were, on average, significantly older when they began the current period of incarceration.

Average age at start of incarceration by marital status
Marital status***
Married                  (n=46)	31
Single, never married (n=99)	25
Divorced                (n=31)	29
Widowed               (n=8)	38
Separated              (n=18)	30

*** < .001

In addition, those who were single and had never married compared to others were more likely to have begun the current period of incarceration at a young age.

Were you employed at the time of your arrest?	Total(n=212)
No	56%
Yes	44%

Overall, more than half (56%) of those surveyed were unemployed at the time of their arrest.

Employed at the time of your arrest by level of education?*	Yes	No
Less than HS        (n=31)	26%	74%
GED/HS                (n=53)	38%	62%
Voc/tech. training (n=28)	36%	64%
Some college        (n=54)	48%	52%
Completed college (n=27)	67%	33%
Graduate degree  (n=16)	56%	44%

* <.05

As might be expected, however, unemployment was highest among those with the least amount of education.

Do you have any children?	Total(n=219)
No	76%
Yes	24%

Three in four (76%) of those surveyed were parents of one or more children.  About a fourth of those who had children (24%) had a child that was less than five years old; 86% had at least one child that was at least five years old.

At the time of the survey, more than half (56%) indicated that they had been in prison more than 10 years (a fourth more than 15 years).  Time served ranged between six months and 33 years, or an average of 12 years.

More than half (56%) of the sample had less than two years (32%) or between 2 and 5 years (24%) remaining before their earliest possible release date, generally the time that people in prison begin to assess what resources they have available or need to facilitate an easy transition from prison.  Among those having less than five years before their earliest possible release, more than half (52%) had been in prison more than ten years.

Religiosity

When surveyed, most (91%) in the sample said that Islam played a very important role in their lives.

How often do you attend the Masjid for salah or Jumu’ah now, during your incarceration?
Frequency	(n=219)
More than once a week	74%
Once a week for Jumu’ah (Friday prayers)	19%
A few times a year, mostly Id	1%
Seldom	3%
Never	3%

About three in four (74%) attend the masjid or prayer area more than once a week.  Group or individual attendance at prayer areas in a prison, are generally contingent upon receipt of permission from prison staff, the availability of a chaplain, or some other prison rule.  These may vary from prison to prison even in the same state rather than upon the wishes of the incarcerated.  Data gathered showed significant differences in reported attendance patterns.

Attendance at masjid for salah or Juma’ah by site	New York State (n=72)	Indiana (n=116)	New York City (n=31)
More than once a week*	83%	67%	87%

* <.05

Muslims incarcerated in Indiana compared to those in a New York State or New York City jail, seem less likely attend a prayer area.  Even so, the majority of Muslims at each of the sites reported attending prayer areas more than once a week.

During your average day, do you
Frequency	(n=223)
Pray all five salah daily	69%
Make some of the five salah daily	19%
Occasionally make salah	8%
Only make Id prayers	2%
I never pray	2%

Overall, more than a third (69%) reported that they make all five obligatory prayers daily.

The role of Islam in your life right now by frequency of attendance at the Masjid
It is	More than once a week
Very important                                    (n=192)***	93%
Somewhat important                          (n=18)	61%
Not that important                              (n=1)	0%
The role of Islam in your life right now by frequency of salah
It is	Pray all five salah daily
Very important                                    (n=199)***	73%
Somewhat important                          (n=17)	17%

*** p < .001

Results from the survey did show that there were significant differences in the relationship between the perceived importance in the life of the incarcerated and the practice of Islam.  Those who thought that Islam played a very important role in their lives compared to others for whom Islam was less important were more likely to visit the prayer area more than once a week and to make all five salah (ritual prayers) every day.

Relationship with the Islamic Community

Muslims in the sample were asked about their relationship with the Islamic Community in prison, the one on the outside they were familiar with, and about their concerns when eligible for release.  Overall, about three in four among the sample reported that they converted to Islam while incarcerated.

Converted while incarcerated by site	Yes
Indiana                                                  (n=117)	80%
New York State                                    (n=64)	72%
New York City*** (n=29)	41%
Converted while incarcerated by parental status
Has children                                         (n=148)	66%
Does not have any children**             (n=49)	88%

** <.01                      * **<.001

Among the subgroups, those surveyed in New York City and those who were parents compared to others, were significantly less likely to report converting to Islam during their incarceration.

Overall, 81% of those surveyed were not currently members of an Islamic community outside of the correctional setting.  Even so, more than half (55%) of those surveyed said that Islam played a very or somewhat important role in their lives before their incarceration.

As might be expected, those converting to Islam after their incarceration were significantly less likely to be current members of an Islamic Community outside of prison.

Member of an outside community by conversion to Islam

Conversion to Islam	Percent who are members
Before incarceration                           (n=54)	44%
After incarceration***                       (n=146)	8%
Member of an outside community parental status
Has children	23%
Does not have any children**	8%

** < .01                                 *** < .001

In addition, those who did not have children compared to those who did were significantly less likely to belong to an Islamic Community outside of the correctional setting.  Not surprisingly, Islam was significantly less likely to have played a very or somewhat important role in the lives of those who were not members of an outside Islamic community before their incarceration or among those who converted to Islam after their incarceration.

Role of Islam before prison by member of an outside community	Very/somewhat important
Member of Islamic community       (n=39)	90%
Not a member of an Islamic community***(n=140)	43%
Role of Islam before prison by converted to Islam
Before incarceration                           (n=57)	92%
After incarceration***                       (n=114)	65%

*** < .001

About three in four (78%) who were members of an Islamic community prior to their incarceration were known by name by the Imam or leader of the community, but less than half (46%) were able to report that their Imam (leader) knew that they were incarcerated.

Members of an outside Islamic Community
Does the Imam (leader) of the community know your name?                               (n=40)	78%
Does the Imam (leader) know that you are in prison?                               (n=39)	46%

Moreover, though not shown, just four in ten (41%) attended the Masjid (house of prayer) for prayer more than once a week.

About four in five (83%) of those surveyed indicated that they were satisfied with the relationship they had with the Islamic community inside of the prison where they were currently being held.

Almost half (46%) of the sample said that while they were housed at their current location all (13%) if not most (33%) of their needs were being met.

Satisfaction with Islamic community by needs met as a Muslim in prison
	Needs met . . . .
Satisfaction	All of the time	Most of the time	Some of the time	None of the time
Very satisfied                       (n=63)	29%	44%	27%	0%
Somewhat satisfied             (n=110)	7%	33%	58%	2%
Not that satisfied                 (n=23)	4%	9%	74%	13%
Not satisfied at all               (n=12)	9%	0%	58%	33%

***p.<. 001

There was a significant difference in feelings of satisfaction with the Islamic community in prison and the belief that one’s needs as a Muslims in prison were being met.  As might be expected, feelings of satisfaction were directly related to the perception that needs were being met.  As feelings of satisfaction increased, the more those surveyed believed their needs were being met.

How does the Muslim community assist you during your incarceration?

Type of assistance provided now	Total (n=220)	Members (n=41)	Non-members (n=179)
Members visit me	8%	12%	7%
I get counseling from members of the community	8%	5%	8%
I get books or literature on Islam	8%	12%	7%
They keep me focused	8%	10%	8%
They are helping me prepare for release	5%	7%	4%
I talk to members by phone	4%	7%	3%
Members write to me	3%	2%	3%
I participate in correspondence course on Islam offered by the community	3%	2%	3%
Other assistance	2%	5%	1%
Assistance is given to my family	2%	5%	2%
I receive financial assistance	2%	2%	2%
I receive food packages	2%	0%	2%
They are helping me prepare for parole board	1%	0%	1%

Overall, the largest percentage (82%) of those surveyed did not report receiving any assistance from the “outside’ Islamic community during their incarceration.  Those who were members (34%) of an Islamic community on the “outside” compared to those who were not (15%) were significantly more likely to receive assistance during their incarceration.  The most frequently mentioned assistance received were visits (8%), counseling (8%), Islamic literature (8%), and communications that kept them focused (8%).  None of the differences between the groups in the assistance received was significant.

How do you want the Islamic Community to assist you during your incarceration?

Desired type of assistance during incarceration	Total (n=220)	Members (n=41)	Non-members (n=179)
Get books or literature on Islam	67%	63%	68%
Keep me focused with good advice	66%	61%	68%
Help me prepare for release	61%	51%	64%
Participate  in correspondence course on Islam offered by community	58%	68%	55%
To get counseling from members of the community	50%	41%	52%
Members write to me	48%	49%	48%
Members visit me	40%	41%	40%
Help me prepare for parole board	26%	17%	28%
Talk to members by phone	25%	32%	24%
Assistance is given to my family	23%	32%	21%
Receive financial assistance	15%	15%	16%
Receive food packages	13%	15%	13%
Other assistance	8%	12%	7%

In all, 11% of those surveyed said that they did not want any assistance from the “outside” Muslim community during their incarceration.  Those who were not members (13%) compared to those where members (5%) of a Muslim community before their incarceration were more likely to say that they did not want any help during their incarceration.  None of these differences between the groups was significant.  The most frequently mentioned assistance surveyed Muslims desired from the “outside’ Muslim community during their incarceration were to get books or literature on Islam (67%), keep me focused with good advice (66%), help me prepare for release (61%), participate in correspondence course on Islam offered by community (58%), and to get counseling from members of the community (50%).

Currently, however, well over half (57%) of the incarcerated Muslims were not that satisfied (22%) or not satisfied at all (35%) with members of the larger Islamic community.

Satisfaction with “outside” Islamic community by member of “outside’ community	Member (n=36)	Non-member (n=105)
Very satisfied	25%	14%
Somewhat satisfied	33%	25%
Not that satisfied	17%	22%
Not satisfied at all	25%	39%
Satisfaction with “outside” Islamic community by conversion to Islam	Before incarceration (n=44)	After incarceration (n=94)
Very satisfied	18%	11%
Somewhat satisfied	36%	23%
Not that satisfied	18%	25%
Not satisfied at all	27%	41%

Results from the survey also showed that incarcerated Muslims who were not members of an outside Islamic community compared to those who were, were least likely to be satisfied with their relationship with the larger community.  Similarly, those who had converted to Islam during their incarceration compared to those who converted before incarceration, were less likely to be satisfied with their relationship to the larger community.  None of the difference between these groups was significant.

Request for assistance upon release

Type of assistance upon release	Total (n=220)	Members (n=41)	Non-members (n=179)
Assist with employment search	67%	68%	66%
Provide individual counseling	54%	54%	54%
Assist with housing search	52%	54%	52%
Provide job training.	47%	34%	50%
Provide life skills training/program	44%	37%	45%
Help secure needed identification	42%	34%	44%
Facilitate peer support groups	42%	37%	44%
Make referrals/facilitate entitlements	40%	37%	41%
Provide family counseling	28%	29%	27%
Provide drug counseling	20%	24%	18%
Other referral*	4%	10%	3%

*p.<. 05

Although incarcerated Muslims were mainly dissatisfaction with the quality of their relationship with the outside Muslim community, they were still in need of the any assistance the community could provide that might facilitate their transition.  The most frequently mentioned needs were assistance with employment search (67%), individual counseling (54%), and assistance with housing search (52%).  Among the items mentioned, none of the differences between the groups was significant except “other referrals”.  Members compared to non-members of an outside community were more likely to ask for other referrals.[3]

Type of assistance upon release	Total (n=233)	New York State (n=74)	Indiana (n=127)	New York City (n=32)
Assist with employment search	67%	65%	71%	59%
Provide individual counseling	53%	54%	54%	47%
Assist with housing search	52%	53%	53%	50%
Provide job training	48%	50%	49%	41%
Provide life skills training/program	44%	42%	46%	41%
Help secure needed identification	43%	45%	46%	28%
Facilitate peer support groups	42%	45%	44%	31%
Make referrals/facilitate entitlements	40%	43%	42%	25%
Provide family counseling	28%	34%	29%	13%
Provide drug counseling	20%	19%	18%	31%
Other referral	4%	4%	6%	0%

The table above shows the type of assistance sought by site.  There were no significant differences in the request made by site.

---

[1] Throughout this report asterisks (*) indicate whether a difference is statistically significant.  Tests of significance examine whether any given difference between groups is large enough that it is likely to be due to something other than chance.  Statistical significance is affected by sample size.  In very small samples (like this one), differences must be very large to be statistically significant, whereas in very large samples, even small differences can be statistically significant, even if they are not practically very important.  Still, the differences in this report marked with an asterisk are those that are larger than would be expected by chance alone.  These changes should be given the most attention.

[2] The surveys were collected with the assistance of Muslim chaplains who wished to remain anonymous.

[3] Other referrals included providing transportation to prayers services, facilitate hajj (pilgrimage to Mecca), legal assistance, a general welcome, and other needs.

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Premier of “Life Sentence”

“Life Sentence”

A documentary by Lisa M. Gray

Life Sentence tells the story of men and women who had served long term sentences, some completing 25 years in prison, and the struggles they endured as they attempted to re-entry society.  It includes conversations about life inside of prison and the work formerly incarcerated people are now doing to help others since being released.

The documentary was premiered at the Malcolm X and Dr. Betty Shabazz Education and Cultural Center in New York and is currently being offered for sale by Citizens Against Recidivism, Inc. for twenty dollars ($20.00).

dvd cover

See slideshow of guest attending event!

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Strategies for Release – 2009

A Report Prepared by DeVeaux and Associates for Citizens Against Recidivism, Inc.

Summary of findings

This report includes the preliminary findings of survey data gathered from 607 men housed in 29 prisons located across New York State.

 More than half of those responding were African American males, averaging 42.5 years of age who had spent, on average, 16.7 years in prison.

• The largest percentage (46%) thought that their release would follow an appearance at their first (18%) or later parole (28%) board hearing. 
• On average, respondents thought that maintaining a good disciplinary record was the most important action they could take to expedite their release.
• One in four thought that working on appeal (25%) was the most important thing they could do to speed up their release.
• On average, respondents spent the most time working on maintaining a good disciplinary record.
• On average, respondents were more likely to report involvement in activities related to release to improve themselves. 
• Overall, a majority of respondents said that they would prefer to negotiate a contract that related performance measures to their release. 
• On average, respondents were more likely to choose a release option because it provided the personal control needed to obtain the earliest possible release.

Introduction

             Citizens Against Recidivism, Inc. (Citizens) was founded in 1992 initially to address the needs of family members who had incarcerated loved ones.  The organization was incorporated in 1996, initially providing supportive counseling to the wives and family members of the incarcerated, cultural programming in various New York State prisons, and delinquency intervention programming for youth.

             Citizens’ work now includes efforts to restore all the rights and attributes of citizenship among people in prison or jail and those who have been released.  Citizens works in collaboration with other community and faith based organizations at each of the overlapping phases of the community integration process.  The work at Citizens includes preventive efforts targeting at-risk youth, work that relates to the strengthening of families and personal relationships affected by experiences with the criminal justice system, and advocacy for the restoration of voting rights.

             In 2009, Citizens Against Recidivism, Inc. surveyed men held in nearly half of New York States’ prisons.  The survey included questions about prison rehabilitation and parole policies.  The surveys were published in newsletters circulated by Prison Action Network and the Coalition for Parole Restoration.  Help circulating the survey was also provided by various “in-house” organizations and by word of mouth.  Overall, 607 surveys were returned from men housed in 29 prisons located across New York State.

             As part of its mission to restore the rights of citizenship to people in prison and those who have been released, Citizens Against Recidivism, Inc. advocates for reform in the New York State correctional system and for reform of New York State parole policies.  The surveys were designed to give voice to the incarcerated and then to include those voices in policy discussions about issues that affect their lives.

Demographic information

            Between June 2009 and November 2009, 607 men were surveyed in 29 New York State prisons.  More than half (52%) of those responding to the survey were African American males, while 38% identified themselves as a Latino (20%) or as White (18%) males.  Ages of respondents ranged between 19 to 78 years, averaging 42.5 years of age.

            Time spent in prison by respondents ranged from less than a year to 46 years, averaging 16.7 years in prison.  At the time of the survey, about three in five (61%) of those responding were being housed in medium security facilities, while 39% were being held in a maximum-security prisons.

Table 1

 Which of the following do you believe will result in your earliest release from prison?

Response  (N=560)	Percentage
Release at later board	28%
Release at first board	18%
Win on appeal	16%
Conditional release	14%
I have a determinate sentence and will do 85% of my sentence	10%
Release before conditional release date	5%
Clemency or pardon	4%
I am going to max out	4%

            During the survey, respondents were asked, “Which of the following do you believe will result in your earliest release from prison?”  The largest percentage (46%) thought that their release would follow an appearance at their first (18%) or later parole (28%) board hearing.  Among those remaining, 16% thought that working on their appeals would result in their earliest release from prison, 14% thought their release would follow conditional release procedures, while 8% were hoping to be released following a clemency proceeding or pardon (4%) or were expecting to do the maximum number of years of their sentence before being released (4%).

            Respondents were asked to rate how important they thought each of the items in Table 2 (below) were related to their release.  Their responses ranged between 1 and 4: 1 – very unimportant, 2- unimportant, 3- important and 4- very important.

Table 2

In your effort to get released, how important do you believe doing the following things are?

Actions	N	Mean
Maintaining a good disciplinary record	571	3.48
Getting important people to help you	564	3.44
Learning a vocational skill	570	3.43
Getting a college degree	564	3.34
Maintaining a good assignment record	568	3.33
Getting a high school equivalence diploma (GED)	554	3.31
Working on an appeal	571	3.22
Taking part in an Alternative to Violence Program (AVP)	574	3.06
Taking part in a Network/Therapeutic Community	532	3.05
Transitional Services Program	554	2.96
Taking part in an Alcohol Substance or Abuse Treatment Program (ASAT)	564	2.78
Taking part in Alcohol Anonymous (AA)	557	2.47
Seeing a psychologist	551	2.18

            On average, respondents thought that maintaining a good disciplinary record was the most important action they could take (3.48), followed by getting important people to help (3.44), learning a vocational skill (3.43), and getting a college degree (3.34).  Respondents thought that seeing a psychologist was the least significant action they could take to be released from prison (2.18).

Table 3

. . . the item you think is the most important

Response (N=546)	Percentage
Working on appeal	25%
Getting a college degree	19%
Getting important people to help you	16%
Getting a high school equivalence diploma (GED)	9%
Taking part in a Network/Therapeutic community	8%
Learning a vocational skill	6%
Maintaining a good disciplinary record	6%
Taking part in a substance abuse treatment program	2%
Taking part in an Alternative to Violence program (AVP)	2%
Participating in a transitional services program	2%
Maintaining a good assignment program	2%
Seeing a psychologist	2%
Taking part in Alcoholics Anonymous (AA)	1%

         When asked to “select the item you think is the most important” thing to do to obtain release, one in four (25%) thought that working on their appeal (25%) was the most important thing they could do.  Among those who did not favor working on their appeals, 19% thought that getting a college degree was important, while 16% thought getting important people to help them was the most important thing to do. 

 Personal Activities

             Respondents were asked to estimate how much time they spent on a range of activities shown in Table 3 that were related to expediting their release.   Their responses ranged on a scale between 1 to 4: 1- no time, 2- a little time, 3- some time and 4- a lot of time.

 Table 4

 How much time do you spend engaged in activities that might expedite your release?

Actions	N	Mean
Maintaining a good disciplinary record	569	3.36
Maintaining a good assignment record	556	3.17
Learning a vocational skill	546	2.92
Getting important people to help you	553	2.80
Getting a college degree	535	2.56
Working on an appeal	555	2.54
Taking part in a Network/Therapeutic Community	531	2.42
Taking part in an Alternative to Violence Program (AVP)	544	2.40
Transitional Services Program	547	2.30
Getting a high school equivalence diploma (GED)	520	2.23
Taking part in an Alcohol Substance or Abuse Treatment Program (ASAT)	539	2.08
Taking part in Alcohol Anonymous (AA)	538	1.74
Seeing a psychologist	538	1.36

            Table 4 shows, on average, that respondents reported spending the most time working on maintaining a good disciplinary record (3.36) and working to maintain a good assignment record (3.17).  These items were closely followed by learning a vocational skill (2.92) and getting important people to help them (2.8).  Respondents said, on average, that they spent the least amount of time in Alcoholics Anonymous (1.74) and in seeing a psychologist (1.36).

             Surveyed men were also asked to rate how closely statements shown in Table 5 below come to expressing their reasons for involvement in the activities they thought might expedite their release (see actions in Table 4).  The responses they gave were rated on a scale ranging between 1 and 4: 1- very untrue, 2- untrue, 3- true and 4- very true.

 Table 5

 How close do the statements listed below come to expressing your personal reasons for involvement in these activities?

Statements	N	Mean
These activities will help me to improve myself	583	3.76
Will provide me with the skills I need to stay out of prison	577	3.53
Allow me to maintain come personal control over my situation	571	3.23
Help me to keep busy and not think about when I am going home	562	2.58
Are things I do to impress the parole board	556	2.09

             On average, respondents were more likely to report involvement in these activities to improve themselves (3.76), gain the skills they needed to stay out of prison (3.53), and because they thought the activities would allow them to maintain some personal control over their situation (3.23).  Respondents were least likely to get involved in activities in order to impress the parole board (2.09).

 Paroling Policy

             In some discussions about parole, there have been suggestions about experimenting with contracts between people in prison and the parole board.  At the beginning of a prison sentence, people sentenced to time in prison would negotiate the things they needed to do to ensure release after a specific amount of time within in the sentencing guidelines set by the sentencing judge had been served or possibly accelerate the release date if the law allowed.  Some states (like New York) use determinate or flat sentencing for certain offenders to fix release dates.  In those situations, the judge sentences the person convicted of a crime to a specific determined period without the possibility of parole or accelerated release until that time expires.  When surveyed, respondents were asked about the release policy they preferred shown in Table 6 below.

 Table 6

Do you prefer to…?

Response	Percentage
Be able to negotiate a contract	57%
Have a determinate or flat sentence	39%
Leave things as they currently are	3%
Don’t care either way	2%

             Overall, a majority of respondents (57%) said that they would prefer to negotiate a contract that related performance measures to their release, while about 2 in 5 preferred a determinate or flat sentence (39%).  It is worth noting that just 5 in 100 preferred to leave things as they currently are (3%) or expressed no preference for either policy (2%).

             Finally, respondents were asked how closely the statements made in Table 7 described the reasons why they preferred the release policy they selected in Table 6.  Responses shown in Table 7 were rated on a scale of 1 to 4: 1- Not close at all, 2- Not very close, 3- Somewhat close, and 4- Very close.

Table 7 

Please indicate how closely the following statements describe the reason why you preferred a particular option.

Statements	N	Mean
Provide the personal control I need to obtain the earliest possible release	500	3.45
Lessen the stress and anxiety of not knowing when I might be released	496	3.30
Eliminate the games I must play to gain a favorable decision from the parole board	490	3.02

             On average, respondents were more likely to choose a release option because it provided the personal control needed to obtain the earliest possible release (3.45) compared to the other reasons shown.  Respondents also chose a release option because it would lessen the stress and anxiety of not knowing when they might be released (3.30).  Overall, respondents were least likely to be concerned with eliminating the games played to gain a favorable decision from the parole board (3.02).

The Third Annual Citizens Awards

Citizens' Awards Honorees

  

  

The Third Annual Citizens Awards to honor formerly incarcerated people who have made significant contributions to society was held on Friday October 30, 2009 at the historic Malcolm X and Betty Shabazz Center.  

The event drew over 300 people including State Senators Bill Perkins and Velmanette Montgomery, City Council representative Robert Jackson as well as many other leaders working on behalf of the incarcerated and formerly incarcerated in the state of New York.  

The event’s keynote speaker was George Alexander, the former chairman of the state board of parole, whose inspiring speech thanked the awardees and others who have worked on behalf of the formerly incarcerated, while calling attention to the failures and possibilities of the justice system. (full text available here)  

It was a spectacular event.  View slide show.

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The nights honorees were: (click on names for full bios)  

Glen E. Martin Advocate of the Year Award: Russelle (Rusti) Miller-Hill  

Imam Umar Abdul-Jalil Award for Spiritual Leadership: Imam Salhuddin Muhammad  

Vivian Denise Nixon Award for Leadership in Education: Gregory John Perreira  

Citizens’ Social Action Award: Felipe Vargas  

William Eric Waters’ Bridge Builder Award: Jose Vasquez  

Edwin (Eddie) Ellis Lifetime Acheievement Award: Larry White  

“You have established a legacy for generations to come. Thank you for showing everyone that when we fall down it is possible for one to get back up.” -George Alexander  

  

Former Commissioner Alexander, Citizens’ Mikail DeVeaux and Commissioner Evans

 

  

Larry White and Eddie Ellis

Citizens’ DeVeaux, Larry White and Eddie Ellis

Eric Waters, Gregory Piera and Mika’il DeVeaux

Mika’il DeVeaux, Jose Vasquez, Vivian D. Nixon and Citizens’ President, Wanda Best-DeVeaux

Guest enjoying the program

David Miller, Former NYSDOCS Superintendent

Co-founder, Mika’il DeVeaux

Felipe Vargas, Awardee

Mika’il DeVeaux, Russelle Miller-Hill and Wanda Best-DeVeaux

Imam Umar Abdul Jalil, Imam Saluddin Muhammad and Mika’il DeVeaux

Imam Saluddin Muhammad

George Perira

 

 

 

 

 

 

  

  

   

 

 

 

 

 

 

Raising Awareness About Substance Abuse in the Muslim Community

September 13th, 2009

Muslims in Repentance, the substance abuse program of Citizens Against Recidivism, Inc. hosted the event:

Raising Awareness About Substance Abuse in the Muslim Community

The powerful event was held at the Mosque of Islamic Brotherhood on 113th St. in Harlem and attracted a near capacity- audience.

Presenters discussed the pervasiveness of substance abuse in Muslim and American communities and their effects on  families, children and society. Presenters also offered an Islamic framework for overcoming the challenges faced by substance abuse in ourselves and in our communities. A number of presenters shared their personal stories of overcoming the evils of substance abuse through faith, support and hard work.

The event ended with a presentation of the Millati al Islami substance abuse support group that is the only such Islamic support group operating in a mosque in New York City.  Millati al Islami has been successful and serves as a model for other Muslim communities and establishments throughout the city.

Mik’ail Deveaux,co-founder of CAR, Inc. gave a presentation about the pervasiveness of substance abuse in the Muslim Community

Attentive audience at Muslims in Repentance, a substance abuse program linked with Citizens Against Recidivism, Inc.

Zaafirah Devaux, CAR, Inc. co-founder, gives a presentation about the effect of substance abuse on families

Imam Talib Abdur Rashid of the MIB speaks of the Islamic background of substance abuse work

The event was held inside the Mosque of the Islamic Brotherhood in Harlem

Brother Abdus Shakur discusses Guilt, Shame and Denial in the Muslim Community on issues related to substance use

Brother Khalil shares his personal story of faith and his recovery from substance abuse

Brother Jawad Abdul Wadu and Abdul Wakil Muhammad co-facilitators Mallati al Islami

Program presenters gather at end of the event for group photograph

Photographs by Jamaal